針對特定媒體引用德國之聲中文網報導，馬英九總統22日接受德新社（ＤＰＡ）等媒體訪問，「矢言將持續推動目前的傾中政策」、馬總統「強調願意學習當初東、西德處理雙邊關係，最終實現統一的經驗」、「接近中國是台灣求生的唯一機會」，總統府發言人馬瑋國表示，該篇報導之相關說法乃子虛烏有、完全不是事實，該報錯誤引述、未經查證，違反新聞倫理，總統府表示遺憾。
馬瑋國表示，馬總統提及參考東、西德處理雙邊關係，是指兩岸可以從「Ein Deutschland, zwei Staaten｣(一個德意志，兩個國家)，以及主權跟治權分離的相關經驗得到參考。然而馬總統的意思也很清楚，因為兩岸關係和兩德關係完全不同，即便借鏡參考，但兩德經驗也不能直接複製到兩岸經驗上。該報導指出馬總統強調「願意學習當初東、西德處理雙邊關係，最終實現統一的經驗」的說法乃憑空捏造、與事實不符。至於「矢言將持續推動目前的傾中政策」、「接近中國是台灣求生的唯一機會」，馬總統更是從未提及。
馬瑋國表示，本月22日馬總統乃「接見」歐洲媒體亞洲特派員訪華團，並非「接受專訪」。當時現場只有德通社與兩家歐洲媒體，德國之聲中文網並沒有記者在現場，總統已指示行政單位立即要求該網站更正內容。還原該場談話，馬總統提到東西德經驗原文如下：
總統：歐洲從整體來看，因為在許多歷史、政治及經濟方面的發展，提供了我們很多參考的經驗。譬如說，德國處理兩個德國的經驗對於我們處理兩岸關係，也提供了一個相當不錯的參考架構。譬如說，德國人在1972年簽的「兩德基礎關係條約」，以及這個條約背後的理念，就是「一個德意志，兩個國家」，還有「主權」跟「治權」分離，都給我們帶來許多有意義的參考價值。另外就是在60年代到70年代，北海的沿岸國家透過和平的協商，還有法律的訴訟解決了有關海域石油的爭議，使得各方可以合作開發而產生了世界名牌布蘭特原油，像這些是我們在提出東海和平倡議時一個參考的對象。1969年對德國與其他西歐國家「北海大陸礁層案」訴訟的判決是一個成功的例子，因為促成大家可以一起合作探採原油，這對我們來說是很好的經驗。
記者：回到兩岸關係。您曾以德國的例子與兩岸關係作比較。而東西德是在經過長時間討論後決定互設代表處。
總統：是的。
記者：所以，您任內可見到兩岸互設辦事處？
總統：我想可以。兩岸已建立互設辦事處的共識，但作法與兩德並不相同。當時，東德於西德設使館，但西德於東德僅為常設辦事處，以避免產生互相承認對方主權之印象。檢視1972年兩德「基礎條約」，並無使用Souveränität一詞而是以Hoheitsgewalt—統治高權—取代。我認為兩德在「基礎條約」中互相承認對方領土而不碰觸主權問題是正確的決定。雖條約中並未使用主權一詞，西德總理布蘭特 (Willy Brandt)於條約附函東德部長會議主席，表明條約所載並不影響兩德統一。正由於這封信，「基礎條約」得於憲法法庭獲得通過。我想說的是，這需要精密的操作。而即便借鏡兩德，我們並未採取「一德兩國」模式，因其不合於我國憲法。所以我們採「一中各表」的說法。在此基礎上，兩岸得以過去六年的經驗持續發展。是極為重要的。
President: And also, we have actually learned a lot from the experience, especially in history, politics and economy from European countries. For example, Germany has provided us with a great reference in dealing with the two Germanys, so when we deal with the cross-strait affairs, we actually learn from the experience of Germany. For example, in 1972 the two Germanys signed the Basis of a Relation's Agreement, and also the ideas behind it have provided us with great inspiration. Also, we have learned a lot from the Ein Deutschland, zwei Staaten, as well as the separation of sovereignty of the government authority, and these have provided us with great examples. Also, from the 1960s to 70s, the countries surrounding the North Sea cooperated to use peaceful negotiations and legal actions to resolve the oil dispute in the North Sea, and all parties concerned could work together to jointly develop their resources, thereby coming up with Brent crude oil, or Brent crude. And also when we proposed the East China Sea Peace Initiative, we actually emulated the spirit of the countries in Europe, and that is a very important source of inspiration. Also, Germany along with some other West European countries participated in the North Sea Continental Shelf Cases in 1969. It was a very successful example because you worked together to promote the exploration of oil, and that has been a very good experience for us.
Reporter: Can I come back to the mainland issue? This year you just mentioned the example of Germany, and that you drew on the example of the two states theory. Germany also had this model of a representative office in each other's country, and this has been in discussion for a long time, I believe.
President: Yeah.
Reporter: So, do you think you will still see that in your presidency?
President: I think so. I think we are having a lot of consensus in establishing the offices in each other's places. And that would be very different from the one that was adopted by the two Germanys back in 1972 because East Germany set up an embassy in West Germany. But for West Germany, they set up a chancellor's representative office in East Germany to avoid the impression that they recognized each other's sovereignty. I'm sure if you check the language on the 1972 Grundlagenvertrag, you don't see the word Souveränität, but rather the word Hoheitsgewalt. That's a term... Hoheitsgewalt means supreme power, to replace the idea of soverignty. The 1972 agreement went so far as to recognize the territory of East and West Germany, but they went short of recognition of sovereignty. I think that's a good move, and even though they haven't used the word sovereignty, Chancellor Brandt wrote a letter to his East German counterpart, attached to the agreement, saying that whatever was said in the agreement would not affect the eventual unification of the two Germanys. And that letter saved the agreement when it was submitted to the German constitutional court, and the judges eventually said it's okay. So what I'm trying to say is that this is a very delicate maneuver, and though we consult, we use that as a reference, but we have so far not used the idea of Ein Deutschland, zwei Staaten, one Germany, two states, because that will also have a constitutional problem in my country. So we use one China with respective interpretations because each side is allowed to express their idea of what that China is, but in that basis, no matter how fragile it is, it is very, very critical to make what happened in that last six years happen.